"The secret of success is sincerity," reads The
Cynic's Lexicon, "Once you can fake that, you've got it made." How
hard Sonia Gandhi is trying to reach success by that route!
A flood in Assam? Visit the area. Have yourself
photographed. Pronounce: Government's relief measures are wholly
inadequate. An earthquake in Kumaon? Visit the area. Have yourself
photographed. Pronounce: Government's relief measures are wholly
inadequate. Cyclone somewhere? Visit the area. Have yourself
photographed. Pronounce: Government's relief measures are wholly
inadequate. Fighting in Kargil? Visit hospitals at a safe distance.
Have yourself photographed with injured soldiers. Pronounce...
Upon checking with persons conversant with the
areas she has visited for the photography -- government officials in
UP, student leaders in Assam, journalists -- I find that, the visit
over, there has been no effort to even ascertain what eventually
happened to the victims of the disaster, to say nothing of doing
anything substantive for them.
Though conditioned to this pattern, I have been
appalled by the depth to which she and her dependents -- Natwar
Singh leading the lot -- have stooped on Kargil. For weeks and
weeks, they have been casting doubt, casting aspersions, throwing
dark hints: "We have questions to ask on Kargil." Why are you
waiting? Ask them now. "We have forty two documents." Disclose them
now. The people will see what equipment was being sought year after
year after year -- for fifteen years -- by the defence forces, by
agencies like RAW, and who denied it to them. People will see who
sought kudos from international lobbies for their "path-breaking
disarmament initiatives", for their "decisiveness" in cutting
allocations for defence.
We have questions to ask, Sonia repeats -- rather,
reads again from pages written by someone -- convene the Rajya
Sabha, she demands. Talk of security is an "excuse" to "shut up the
people", she declares. That "shut up" with appropriate emphasis --
the sound byte for the evening bulletin on Star News.
She is not a member of the Rajya Sabha. Whether the
session is convened or not does not affect her ability to ask
questions. There is one forum which would be ideal for her to ask
the questions, the all-party meetings. These she scrupulously
dodges. She has been invited to choose any joint-forum of her choice
to debate every aspect of the Kargil matter with some representative
of Government or the ruling party. There has been no response.
Perhaps because responding to such invitations is beneath what her
dependents have convinced her is her dignity!
On the other hand, the Leader of her party in the
Rajya Sabha, Manmohan Singh, and its Chief Whip, Pranab Mukherjee,
have attended the all-party meetings. What their questions are worth
can be gleaned from the list they have themselves circulated to the
press.
The Pakistani intrusion points to grave weaknesses
in the system of gathering and interpreting intelligence data and
arrangements for border surveillance, and that is a very serious
lapse, they say. And so, "the Congress(I) wants an assurance from
the Government that steps have been taken to plug the loopholes."
The standard demand, if I may say so. It never fails to amaze me: on
the one hand, critics of this kind assert that the assurances of the
Government are worthless, and on the other the only thing they can
think of demanding is another assurance from the same
Government!
"The Congress(I) wants authoritative information on
the present military situation...., and the Government's assessment
of the unfinished task...", they say. Information -- even in regard
to on-going operations -- is being given every single day by the
concerned officials. The Chiefs of Staff themselves briefed all who
were present at the all-party meeting. For one and a half hours.
With maps, slides, and the rest. Not "authoritative" enough?
"The party wants a coherent policy statement on
diplomatic initiatives, particularly the Government's assessment of
the US's views on de-escalation," they demand. Unable to bring
themselves to acknowledge the success that has attended the
Government's efforts in presenting India's case the world over, this
is all they can spot as missing: "a coherent statement"! And there
is a word of advice also from their "experienced diplomats" about
how the "coherent policy statement" should be drafted: rather than
"unwarranted euphoria", these would-be back-seat drivers
pontificate, the Government's assessments of its "success" should be
based on "solid, hard-headed analysis". And, of course, they will
decide whether the analysis is sufficiently "solid" and
"hard-headed"! As solid and hard-headed as it was in referring the
Kashmir issue to the UN? As it was in returning the territories and
heights our forces secured in 1948, and again in 1965, and yet again
in 1971? As it was in returning 93,000 prisoners, and in signing the
Simla Agreement without getting Pakistan to agree to a solution on
the Kashmir question? As it was in stoking Bhindranwale? As it was
in first arming the LTTE? As it was in then sending the IPKF to
finish the LTTE? As it was in ousting Farooq Abdullah's Government,
and thereby leaving the field free for the Jamiat-e-Islami, and
Pakistan? As it was in packing Bangladeshis on to voting lists in
Assam for winning elections, and then killing over eight hundred
boys and girls for doing no more than demanding a stop to this
treachery?
Government spokesmen have been making contradictory
statements in regard to the likely duration of the conflict, and on
crossing the Line of Control, they say. "The Congress(I) has urged
the Government to speak with greater consistency, restraint and
clarity," they say. That is a good suggestion. It is the sort of
suggestion which several of us in newspapers too have been making --
the papers have not needed a Rajya Sabha session to do so!
"The Army Chief, General V P Malik, has spoken of
shortages of equipment," they observe, and demand, "What is the
Government doing on this score?" I just do hope that the Government
will in fact answer this question in detail: it must prepare a list
of the equipment that the forces have sought -- year by year over
the last fifteen years, and what which government did about each
item.
The BJP's crude attempts to politicise the
conflict, particularly its Kashmir Day advertisements are highly
offensive and should be discouraged, they say. Fine. I am sure their
advice applies all round.
"The Government should make credible arrangements
to look after the families of those who have laid down their lives
and for rehabilitation of those who have been disabled," they
pronounce. Typically vacuous counsel. Urging the obvious for the
sake of saying something. Commitment would have required that the
party study what is being done, and advance specific suggestions
about what more should be done.
Vacuous, but entirely in line with what the
Congress has been doing on every issue of the kind. Each time L K
Advani tried to alert the country to the designs of Pakistan, of the
ISI in particular, Congress spokesmen cried that he was a
war-monger, that he was vitiating the atmosphere of peace which the
Prime Minister was trying to build. When the atomic tests were held,
they first shouted, sub-continent put in jeopardy, tradition of
Buddha and Ashoka abandoned, sub-continent plunged in arms race....
Their incisive expert on foreign policy, Natwar Singh was the
lead-shouter then also. Within days, the thesis shifted: actually
this is nothing but a continuation of what we had done under
Indiraji, they declaimed. The next week, the thesis shifted again:
the atomic tests are terrible, but it is a glorious achievement of
our scientists! And that very week their Working Committee passed a
resolution scolding the Government for not having gone in for
"nuclear weaponisation"!
They continued to berate the Government: for
spoiling relations with Pakistan one day, for causing India to be
diplomatically isolated the next. But then suddenly the Lahore
Resolution etc. came. At first they belittled the entire episode:
Natwar leading the chorus as usual, with, as usual, the major
pretensions of a minor feudal! But within days, the public response
stopped them: and so in the Rajya Sabha, they joined everyone in
welcoming what had been done. And now: "The PM went on a ride, he
was taken for a ride" -- that little witticism produced after so
much cogitation by Natwar Singh!
Whatever will do for the day, do! So today "We have
questions to ask," "Convene the Rajya Sabha". The line has nothing
to do with the war-effort: quite the contrary. As persons who have
attended Rajya Sabha sessions can testify, another session will not
yield a single operationally useful suggestion, what it will yield
is another bout of shouting and mock-fury. The line is pushed on
calculation -- the PR Advisors' calculation that putting out such
vague hints, that making such demands can be triply useful: it can
lead people to believe that the other fellow is responsible for what
is happening and make him forget what you were doing all the while;
it can lead people to believe that you have some secret knowledge;
and at the same time it can enable you to snatch a halo of
responsibility: see, we are so responsible, we are refraining from
saying things that may demoralise the forces in this hour of trial.
In fact, if anything will demoralise the forces it is the vague,
dark hint -- one that cannot be nailed precisely because nothing
definite has been said.
That the "questions" will be forgotten the moment
the invaders have been ousted is evident from the record. Have you
heard of the Jain Commission recently? Yet Sonia and her advisors
brought down two governments because of what they said that report
contained. Have you heard of Bhagwat or of Mohan Guruswamy recently?
Yet they paralysed Parliament for weeks on end because of what they
said were "serious questions" these two had raised.
But in this Sonia is truly following the Congress
tradition. Have you heard recently of the "international conspiracy"
to kill Mrs. Indira Gandhi? Of the Report of the Commission they
themselves appointed to unearth the conspiracy -- that of Justice
Thakkar? That conspiracy was played up too. Dark hints were put out
about what they alleged the Thakkar Commission Report contained. The
Report was kept from the courts. Even from the Supreme Court. Kehar
Singh was hanged as a consequence... And the aura of martyrdom was
created. When the Report was published, the people learnt that what
the Congress and its leaders had been saying was the exact opposite
of what the Judge had said -- he had concluded that the one angle
which needed to be examined was whether an inside aide had a hand in
the conspiracy... And the last act of Rajiv Gandhi before he demit
office was to sign orders dropping all charges against those accused
of that so-called larger conspiracy!
When assassinations can be put to use, why not
floods and earthquakes? When the assassinations of one's own can be
milked, why not the deaths of unknown soldiers on some distant
front?
And every day, a spin to belittle every initiative.
"Don't be taken in by these claims of Pakistan having been isolated
diplomatically," sneered Natwar Singh at a television discussion the
other day. "It is nothing of the kind. The P-5 are just waiting for
the operation in Kosovo to be over. The UN General Assembly will
begin in September. Pakistan will bring up the matter in the General
Assembly, and..." Weeks have passed. The isolation of Pakistan is
now even more visible. Natwar Singh has moved on. He is using his
having held jobs to spin other nonsense. "Pakistan is interested in
stretching the war to September, and...", he said this week. Last
week the thesis was that the BJP is interested in stretching the war
to September so as to postpone the elections. And the month before
that the argument was that the elections must not be held early....
The heat of May and June, the
monsoons...