[Disinvestment Minister Arun Shourie's Cariappa
Memorial Lecture 2002, delivered in New Delhi on Saturday, argues
for smart governance to secure strategic interests. A country that
has ''atomic weapons'' but can't manage its finances will only be
''squeezed into submission'', he says. Exclusive extracts, in two
parts.]
You couldn't have asked me to deliver this lecture
because of my experience in Disinvestment! And I have no access to
classified information on security affairs. Therefore, for myself
alone, and based solely on my own study-much of it of the writings
of experts like you!
And I do hope that what I say will not now trigger
some more "Diary Items" -- that it is because the Defence Minister
is speaking on Disinvestment that the Disinvestment Minister has
chosen to speak on Defence!
A manuscript-already around 175 pages. By the time
I revise it to shorten it-at least 250 pages! Today, I can list just
a few conclusions -- I do regret having to excise the evidence that
has led me to the conclusions: in part because the conclusions are
the obvious ones, in part because the evidence is in many instances
as delectable as it is telling. But such is the discipline of the
Army that I must stick to the time limit.
A moment of substantial achievements, and several
favourable turns-from the victory in Kargil to the turn of events
after 9/11. But foreboding.
We often say, ''Anything is possible. What one
needs is political will.'' In saying that we use the word ''will''
as if what matters is that the person at the top have the will to
carry through a venture. That is of course true in a sense: at times
an individual makes all the difference -- Gandhiji during the
Independence Struggle, Sardar Patel in the integration of princely
states. But the more enduring significance of the expression
''political will'' is not as the will of an individual. It is as the
ability of a political system to deliver. That is what is being put
in question every other day.
Defence forces are to a country what an iron
railing put around it is to a tree: in the end, howsoever strong the
railing, howsoever sturdy and well-polished it looks, it cannot
protect a tree that has been hollowed by termites from within: the
storm shall fell it. What is it that the Soviet armed forces could
do which would make up for the sclerosis that the communist regime
had imposed on the country? Could the missiles, the atomic arsenal
compensate for the stagnation?
Correspondingly, think of Bihar. A population of 83
million, that is a population 30% larger than that of Britain, of
Italy, a population equal to that of Germany, and an area 40% as
extensive as Britain. In this vast area, over this huge population,
governance has evaporated. If I were running the ISI, I wouldn't
waste lives in Kashmir. I would just smuggle 20,000-30,000 AK-47s
through Nepal into the state. The caste-riven people would begin
killing each other, and all the forces the country could muster
would get bogged down in restoring order.
Or take Pakistan and China. Only a policy conceived
with the perspective of 20-30 years, only strategies actually
implemented and that without wavering for 20-30 years can counter
what is afoot. But if the horizon of the political class is the
hulla of the day in the legislature, or the debating point that can
be extracted from the headlines of the day, or the next bout of
elections, how can any policy be sustained for 20-30 years?
For the same reasons, will the growing economic
strength of China not get translated into military strength? And,
will the growing economic distance between China and India not get
translated into a greater distance between their capabilities at
force projection and ours at warding off such projection?
Salvaging the system of governance is the
imperative that all of us -- those in the defence forces,
ex-servicemen, ordinary citizens-must attend to today. The armed
forces are in fine fettle. We must get general governance up to
their standards!
The Enemy Within
An implacable foe. No other identity other than
''not India'', the one whose destiny, whose religious mandate is to
break India. True, there are many divisions in Pakistani
society-even in regard to what is true Islam; but there is unanimity
on two things-that Kashmir must be wrested, and on what must be done
to India.
There is progressive Talibanisation of Pakistani
society. The only recourse for Pakistan is to direct this explosive
force on to external targets. It has waged a very successful
strategy: over 61,000 have been killed, and yet the strategy has not
provoked a retaliatory war. Quite the contrary, the strategy has
worked wonders for the agencies and individuals who have directed it
-- it has multiplied their importance, influence, personal
wealth.
True, Pakistan has been isolated after 9/11: but it
has also been able to extract postponement of dues totalling $ 12
billion, and additional aid, grants and write-offs of another $ 8
billion. But because opinion has turned against cross-border
terrorism, will concentrate on fomenting internal fissures, taking
advantage of internal mal- or non-governance. And it has been able
to build the infrastructure for such disruption. That our agencies
have been able to detect and smother 161 modules of the ISI etc. is
a real achievement. But the number also indicates that ISI etc. have
been able to set up these modules in the first place. Furthermore,
161 are reported to have been uncovered but some of the ones exist.
Interrogations reveal that in ever so many instances, the agents
were able to obtain ration cards and other papers to establish
themselves as Indians-often by just paying paltry bribes of Rs.
2,000-4,000 .
Terrorism is everywhere: cells have been discovered
in India, Southeast Asia, Europe. Sometimes it seems some believe
that Al-Qaida is the only problem, that if it is dealt with, the
problem is licked. But nomenclatures mean nothing: recall the ease
with which groups that were outlawed in Pakistan just changed their
names and have continued their operations. Al-Qaida is but one of
the limbs of this octopus.
There are already sanctuaries for terrorists
targeting India in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Arakan in Myanmar and
within India. ISI moving systematically to use vacuums of this kind:
madrasas along our borders. Just one example: in the district in
Nepal that borders the Siliguri corridor there are 33 madrasas; 25
of these 33 have been established since 1980.
This is compounded by the rapid Islamisation of
Bangladesh: a symptom is the ever-swelling Bishwa Ijtema at Tongi
each year: this year about 40 lakh attended. After 1971, the
Jamaat-e-Islami had lost practically all influence. As the years
went by both the national parties began courting it, specially at
election time. Now it is a part of the Government.
Chinese Whispers
China itself does not regard India as a rival, it
benchmarks itself against the US. But it regards India as a
potential nuisance in part because of India's size, and potential;
even more so because of what it considers is th likelihood that
India will become an instrument of the US for containing China.
Hence the lemma that India is to be kept tied down in South Asia. A
representative passage from a Chinese strategist: ''In the next
century, to split China's western part, or more specifically, to
split China's Tibetan region.... is probably the target of the
Western world's geopolitical strategy. Having pushed Russia
northward, creating a political barrier like Tibet or Xinjiang
between China and the oil-producing countries in Central Asia
conforms to the strategic interests of the West to control
permanently the world's geographic and energy centre. This dovetails
with India's political plot to create a Tibetan buffer zone between
China and India. Currently, India is pulling out all the stops to
convince the West that it is willing to play the vanguard for the
West's effort to achieve this goal, under the prerequisite that the
West will adopt an appeasement policy towards its nuclear
option.''
For this purpose, ''murder with a borrowed knife'':
arms aid to Pakistan, Chinese advances in Myanmar, the reorientation
of Chinese strategic doctrine, and the consequent overhauling of the
PLA. This has crystallised around three propositions: To ensure that
in whatever they do, others -- in particular countries neighbouring
China -- always bear in mind China's interests, and her likely
reaction; to ensure that if a war is to be fought for defending
China, it is not fought on China's soil; to acquire overwhelming
capacity for ''local wars under high-technology conditions.''
This in turn requires that China build the
capabilities to inflict on the adversary, at the very outset, such
terrific losses-for instance, by crippling vital nodes of the victim
-- at such lightning speed that the objective is achieved, the
adversary is "taught a lesson", and allies are scared away from
standing by the victim.
To implement this strategy:
-
Develop "magic weapons"-from those that will
blind satellites to ones that will disorient the guidance systems
of missiles; from ones that will disrupt power grids, civil
aviation control systems, telecommunication and broadcasting
networks; to chemical or gaseous agents that can disorient entire
populations in an area.
-
Identify the "particular vulnerabilities", the
"acupuncture points" of the victim.
Chinese strategic literature devotes much space and
analysis to identifying such points for the US. It would be
hazardous for us to assume that they would not be conducting similar
analyses for India. And always remember the admonition to the
Chinese of the Vice Commandant of the Academy of Military Sciences,
Beijing, General Mi Zhenyu: ''For a relatively long time, it will be
absolutely necessary that we quietly nurse our sense of vengeance.
We must conceal our abilities and bide our time.'' Finally, of
course, there is physical positioning: the acquisition in the South
China Sea of Paracel Islands in 1974, Spratly Islands in 1988,
Mischief Reef in 1995. Leasing of Coco Island in the Bay of
Bengal... The bases in Tibet...
It is often said that the era when large armies
would march across international borders is over. The proposition is
true only where the armies are evenly matched. The Gulf War, the war
in Afghanistan are recent reminders that if one side is manifestly
the weaker one, forces will be hurled across borders also. To ensure
that forces do not march across our borders, we must be adequately
prepared to crush them if they do. But we also have to contend with
what will arise from the preceding propositions: Local war under
high technology conditions, using magic weapons "to win without
fighting". The best way for doing so-watch as the enemy, through
internecine quarrels and mis- or non-governance weakens himself; if
necessary, give him a helping hand -- is by exacerbating these
internal ruptures.
And, once in a while, "kill a chicken to frighten
the monkey" -- not so much to acquire territory, but to break the
morale of the adversary, ensure he stays out of your way. It does
not take much imagination to infer the types of assaults on India
that an enemy would find the least costly, the most effective, and
therefore the most tempting:
-
Mass disruptions of the intertwined, integrated
systems of a modernising military and economy that depend on
ultra-modern modes of communication and command-power grids, stock
markets, airport control towers, weapons guidance
systems;
-
Funnel arms and funds to warring groups in
areas like Bihar;
-
Funnel arms and funds, and give sanctuary to
''freedom fighters'' operating in vulnerable stretches-for
instance, to the Kamtapur insurrectionists operating in the
Siliguri corridor, to the Bodo Liberation Front and ULFA on the
other side, to the various extortionist groups available in
Manipur to block the national highways;
-
Orchestrate protracted, near-war to bleed the
country -- of the kind Pakistan has waged in Punjab, Kashmir and
elsewhere;
-
Suborn mafias, and through them execute
Bombay-blasts type operations;
-
Engineer an occasional foray in an outlying,
loosely or poorly administered area -- say, some stretch of the
Northeast.
We thus have to be prepared for more than large forces crossing
international boundaries. That will cost a lot. But that cost is the
price of living in our times, in this neighbourhood.
Part
II - Where the Buck Really
Stops